The follow articles, written by NRP & National Socialist activist Martin Kerr appeared in the English racial nationalist journal, Heritage & Destiny circ. 2004.
Slowly, the word filtered out throughout the Movement that something was happening in New York – something that had not happened since before the War. Although the local population was not receptive to the NRP message, there was a whole new generation of Movement activists who had been waiting for something like this all along. The NRP began to attract the support. Some activists moved to New York to join up and donations from various backers began to flow in. Connections were made with foreign organisations and Madole was soon printing material for overseas groups which could not have literature printed in their own country. During this initial period in the history of the NRP, many people were affiliated with it either formally or loosely, who would later be famous in their own right. Notable among these were Matt Koehl, who led the NRP uniformed contingent (then known as the Elite Guard), Edward R Fields, Francis Parker Yockey (using the name “Frank Healey”), and writer Eustace Mullins. For the most radical White Nationalists, the NRP was the only show in town.
Of course, the enemies of White Nationalism also took note.
During the mide 1950s, the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) undertook an aggressive investigation of Communist subversion in the US. Under strong criticism and anti-Semitic Groups. The result, in 1955 was document entitled Preliminary Report on Neo-Fascist and Hate Groups. This slim booklet focused almost exclusively on the NRP and the anti-Jewish newspaper Common Sense. At this same time, various infiltrators with connections to Jewish or “anti-fascist” groups went public with their exposes into the “new Nazi underground”. Although nothing further came from HUAC investigation, the overall effect of public exposure and intimation of legal action had a devastating effect on the NRP. Many activists dropped out and financial contribution dried up. Overseas connections were severed. Madole kept the NRP alive – but just barely – publishing the National Renaissance Bulletin as finances allowed, and holding occasional small private meetings.
For all practical purposes the NRP existed in name only.
During the period from 1955 until the early 1960s Madole concentrated his actions on honing NRP ideology and making contacts with foreign governments. As documented by the FBI and other agencies, Madole was in regular contact with specific members of the diplomatic corps of the Soviet Union, Cuba, Eygypt and Iraq. Madole and the NRP were early exponents of a ideological tendency today known as Third Way or Third Position. In this, he apparantly was influenced by his association with Yockey and Frederick Carl Weiss (a benefactor and ally of Yockey). Among White Nationalists, Madole was alone in accepting Yockey’s contention that under Stalin the Soviet Union had thrown off the yoke of Jewish Leadership imposed on it by the Bolshevik revolution. In American racialist circles of the day – and continuing pretty much right up to the collapse of the Soviet regime in 1990 – it was an unquestioned article of faith that the USSR, no less than Israel, was completely dominated by the Jews. As it turned out, Madole and Yockey were right – whater Jewish control there was in the Soviet Union was broken in the greater purges orchestrated by Stalin in the 1930s.
Madole saw in Cuba and other various Third World regimes not “Jewish Communism” but rather a form of non-White racial nationalism which was compatible with his own thought. He also recognised that not only was the USSR not a Jewish puppet regime, but that there were strong anti-Jewish elements within the Soviet leadership. Although in the end it brought him little concrete support, Madole continued to cultivate sympathetic individuals in the diplomatic corps of countries.
In March 1959 George Lincoln Rockwell founded the American Nazi Party in Arlington, Virginia. Almost immediately he offered Madole the position of “Minister of Propaganda” for the ANP. Madole’s reaction was a mixture of amusement and outrage. If anything, he thought, Rockwell should come and work for him. After all, in terms of Movement experience, Madole had 10 years of seniority on Rockwell, whom he considered as a sort of upstart. In the end, he graciously refused Rockwell’s invitation, saying that his financial situation did not permit him to relocate to Arlington. Privately, he was not so gracious. Rockwell was a strong advocate of the position that the USSR, Cube and Red China were controlled by the Jews. For this and other reasons, Madole thought that Rockwell was ideologically simplistic and unsophisticated. Also, Madole was put off by Rockwell’s use of the Swastika. Although he had experimented with the use of the Swastika in the early days of the NRP, Madole had come to the conclusion that it was a mistake to adopt it as a party symbol. For one thing, the Movement’s target audience, White Amercians, viewed the Swastika as an alien “un American”., German symbol. Further, it tied the Movement to the past; Madole felt that racial nationalism should be future orientated, with its eyes on tomorrow, not yesterday. And finally, while Madole honoured and admired Hitler in many respects, he thought that an absolute identification with German National-Socialism was an error, and that the present day Movement had gone beyond Hitlerian thought, with its notions such as German nationalism and Slavic inferiority. All things considered, Madole and Rockwell were an ill fit and it is probably best for both that they remained apart.
Paradoxically, however, the formation of the American Nazi Party proved to be a great boon for the NRP.